The workingmens parties formed in cities in the 1820s and 1830s sought which political goal?

References

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22 Most northern states had achieved “universal suffrage” in the sense that property qualifications had been removed de jure or de facto to the point where almost all wageworkers could vote. The crucial exception is women, who would be denied the ballot for nearly another century. Additionally, with the rise of scientific racism, racial restrictions were being added in the mid-nineteenth century, although in 1828 free blacks could still vote in four New England states, Pennsylvania, and New York (though facing a higher property qualification in New York). When the Workies, Hamilton, and Cooper speak of “universal suffrage” in America, these limitations should be kept in mind. Keyssar, Alexander, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York, 2000), 22–60Google Scholar; Ratcliffe, Donald, “The Right to Vote and the Rise of Democracy, 1787–1828,” Journal of the Early Republic 33/2 (2013), 219–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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29 Bestor, Arthur E. Jr, “The Evolution of Socialist Vocabulary,” Journal of the History of Ideas 9/3 (1948), 259–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 262–3. The idea of the Agrarian Law was also prominent among the revolutionary sans-culottes. See Rose, R. B., “The ‘Red Scare’ of the 1790s: The French Revolution and the ‘Agrarian Law’,” Past and Present 103 (1984), 113–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, P. M., “The ‘Agrarian Law’: Schemes for Land Redistribution during the French Revolution,” Past and Present 133 (1991), 96–133CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In honor of the famous tribunes, Babeuf adopted the pseudonym “Gracchus.” Rose, R. B., Gracchus Babeuf: The First Revolutionary Communist (Stanford, 1978), 137Google Scholar.

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31 Ibid., 384, original emphasis.

32 [Thomas Skidmore], “Report and Resolutions of the Committee of Fifty,” Working Man's Advocate, 31 Oct. 1829, 1; in Commons et al., Documentary History, 150.

33 Lipset and Marks, It Didn't Happen Here, 20.

34 Skidmore, Rights of Man to Property, 386.

35 Lenger, “Handwerkliche Phase,” 241–2.

36 Even those French socialists who embraced democratic politics in the 1840s did so while rejecting class struggle and the confiscation of property. For example, Cabet, Étienne, Credo Communiste, 3rd edn (Paris, 1841), 11Google Scholar: “there is no system more opposed than that of Community to the agrarian law, to pillage, to spoliation.” Johnson, Christopher, “Étienne Cabet and the Problem of Class Antagonism,” International Review of Social History 11/3 (1966), 403–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also Loubère, Leo, Louis Blanc: His Life and His Contribution to the Rise of French Jacobin-Socialism (Evanston, 1961)Google Scholar.

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38 Working Man's Advocate, 14 Nov. 1829, 2–3; Wilentz, Chants Democratic, 198–201; Schultz, Republic of Labor, 231–2.

39 Journal of Commerce, 7 Nov. 1829; in Commons, Documentary History, 154–5.

40 On this “coup” in the party see Wilentz, Chants Democratic, 201–8.

41 On the National Reformers see Lause, Mark, Young America: Land, Labor, and the Republican Community (Chicago: 2005)Google Scholar. Robert Owen had some of the Workies’ writings reprinted in London, including an address by Heighton. Harris, Socialist Origins, 82 n.

42 Rubel, “Notes on Marx's Conception of Democracy,” 83.

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46 On Arnold Ruge's contrast between philistines and republican citizens, shared by Marx, see Breckman, Marx, 236, 255.

47 Breckman, Marx, 221–83, convincingly shows that Marx and Ruge should be considered “social republicans” in this period. But he exaggerates their convergence with French socialism; the issue of politics remained a considerable gulf.

48 Marx, “Communism and the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung” (1842), in MECW, 1: 215–21, at 220; Gregory, David, “Karl Marx's and Friedrich Engels’ Knowledge of French Socialism in 1842–1843,” Historical Reflections 10/1 (1983), 143–93Google Scholar, at 161–2.

49 Marx, “Letter to Dagobert Oppenheim” (Aug. 1842), in MECW, 1: 391–3, at 392; “Letter to Arnold Ruge” (Nov. 1842), in ibid., 393–5, at 395.

50 Karl Marx, “Justification of the Correspondent from the Mosel” (1843), in MECW, 1: 332–60, at 343. Leopold, David, The Young Karl Marx: German Philosophy, Modern Politics and Human Flourishing (New York, 2007), 234–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar, rejects the common misinterpretation that Marx shared Saint Simon's view of technocratic administration.

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53 Leopold, Young Marx, 34.

54 Marx to Oppenheim, 392. The notebooks are reprinted in Marx Engels Gesamtausgabe (hereafter MEGA), prospectively 114 vols. (Berlin, 1972–), 4/2: 9–278.

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57 The following analysis examines together Marx's three pieces composed at Kreuznach, —“Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law” (1843), in MECW, 3: 3–129Google Scholar (hereafter “Kreuznach Critique”); “On the Jewish Question” (1843), in ibid., 146–74 (hereafter “OtJQ”); and “Letter to Arnold Ruge” (Sept. 1843), in ibid., 141–5—and follows the common view that Marx composed Part One of OtJQ in Kreuznach and Part Two in Paris.

58 Marx, Karl, “Letter to Arnold Ruge” (May 1843), in MECW, 3: 134–41Google Scholar, at 137, original emphasis.

60 Ibid., 151, original emphasis.

61 Marx to Ruge (Nov. 1842), 394–5, original emphasis.

62 Marx, “OtJQ,” 154, original emphasis.

63 Ibid., 166, 167, original emphasis.

64 Ibid., 155, 163. See Marx's excerpt of Duport's May 1791 speech criticizing this absolute right to property: Wachsmuth, Wilhelm, Geschichte Frankreichs im Revolutionszeitalter, 4 vols. (Hamburg, 1840–44), 1: 590–91Google Scholar; Marx, Karl, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth” (1843), in MEGA 4/2: 163–74Google Scholar, at 169–70.

65 Marx to Ruge (May 1843), 134.

66 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 213. Quoted in Marx, “OtJQ,” 170–71. For Marx's notebook excerpt see Marx, Karl, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton” (1843), in MEGA 4/2: 266–75Google Scholar, at 267. Hereafter, references to Hamilton will be accompanied by the corresponding page from these notes, where Marx took excerpts.

67 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 109; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 267.

68 Beaumont, Gustave de, Marie, or Slavery in the United States: A Novel of Jacksonian America, trans. Chapman, Barbara (Baltimore, 1958; first published 1835), 107–8Google Scholar; Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, trans. Reeve, Henry (New York, 2002; first published 1835, 1840), 515Google Scholar. Jonathan Sperber's emphasis of Tocqueville here is off-base: Sperber, Jonathan, Karl Marx: A Nineteenth-Century Life (New York, 2013), 130Google Scholar. Marx mentions Tocqueville only once, without substantive comment.

69 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 366; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 272. Marx also encountered the “aristocracy of property” in the ideas of the French enragés (Wachsmuth, Geschichte, 2: 191; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth,” 168). Parallels appear in Marx's notes on the sans-culottes and the Workies in terms of both social criticism and political demands.

70 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 95–6, 156–7; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 266. Marx's insert in parentheses, emphasis Hamilton's.

71 Marx, “OtJQ,” 154; compare Marx, “Letter to Ruge” (May 1843).

72 Marx, “OtJQ,” 164, original emphasis. This subordination is not merely symbolic. Marx notes that on the day the Constituent Assembly was formed, “the public debt was consolidated, or declared holy (to reassure and win over the capitalists),” and that it later undertook the confiscation of church property primarily “in order to avoid state bankruptcy, to satisfy the state creditors.” Ludwig, C. F. E., Geschichte der letzten fünfzig Jahre, vol. 2 (Altona, 1834), 103, 197Google Scholar; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Ludwig,” in MEGA 4/2: 84–7, at 85, 86. This is the first appearance of the word “capitalist” in Marx's existing writings.

73 Marx, “OtJQ,” original emphasis.

74 Ibid., 167, original emphasis.

75 See Avineri, Shlomo, The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx (Cambridge, 1971), 34Google Scholar; Hunt, The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 79. Chrysis, Alexandros, “True Democracy” as a Prelude to Communism: The Marx of Democracy (New York, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, refers to the Kreuznach Critique as a “pre-communist” work, but his analysis is nonetheless consistent with this point.

76 Marx, “OtJQ,” 156, original emphasis.

77 Wachsmuth, Geschichte Frankreichs, 2: 268; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth,” 168, Marx's emphasis. On Marx's view of the Jacobins see Draper, The “Dictatorship of the Proletariat”, 361–3.

78 The lack of a straightforward answer to this question in the Kreuznach writings has led many commentators to see Marx's initial adoption of communism as philosophical or ethical, only to be given an empirical historical basis afterwards (e.g. Avineri, Political Thought, 38; Hunt, The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 131). Against this, Chrysis, “True Democracy”, 177, original emphasis, suggests that Marx arrives at true democracy not as “an ideal to be imposed on reality,” but instead a “historical response to the deeper needs of socialised human beings, a response that is realised as a concrete possibility offered by the dialectical motion of modern society.”

79 Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 121, original emphasis.

80 Avineri, Political Thought, 37; Marx, “OtJQ,” 150. See also Teeple, Gary, Marx's Critique of Politics, 1842–1847 (Toronto, 1984), 90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 McLellan, David, Karl Marx: His Life and Thought (New York, 1973), 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, my italics. Leopold, Young Marx, 259, points out that the key word is the “demand” for their dissolution, not yet the realization.

82 Marx to Ruge (May 1843), 141.

83 Marx, “Leading Article,” 202, translation amended.

84 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 299; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 271.

85 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 299–300, original emphasis; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 271.

86 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 301–2; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 271. This demand also appears in Marx's notes on the enragés, who advanced the “idea of introducing complete equality of goods (the agrarian law); that is, making all the rich poor,” Wachsmuth, Geschichte Frankreichs, 2: 268; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth,” 168, Marx's emphasis.

87 Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 79–80, original emphasis. He also excerpts a speech by Girondin orator Vergniaud defending the abstractness of formal rights: “Equality for the social man is only that of rights. It is no more that of fortunes than that of sizes, that of forces, spirit, activity, industry, or work.” Wachsmuth, Geschichte Frankreichs, 2: 104 n.; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth,” 168, Marx's emphasis.

88 Marx, “Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law: Introduction” (1844), in MECW, 3: 175–87, at 184 (hereafter “Paris Critique”).

89 Marx, “OtJQ,” 167, original emphasis.

90 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 302.

93 Ibid., 371; Hamilton, Die Menschen und die Sitten, 1: 183; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 272.

94 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 2: 113–14; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 275. Also see Marx's lengthy excerpt of Carnot's speech on representation: Wachsmuth, Geschichte Frankreichs, 2: 716–17; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Wachsmuth,” 174. It is a common idea that Marx criticized representation in favor of direct democracy, but there is little evidence for this. Instead, as Hunt, The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 82, points out, “Marx wanted directly elected deputies to be instructed by and bound to their constituents.” Self-representation requires the representative to be dependent upon the will of the represented. Roberts, William Clare, Marx's Inferno: The Political Theory of Capital (Princeton, 2017), 250–55Google Scholar, rightly highlights the republican thematic at work in this thought.

95 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 2: 76–77; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 274. This idea, that universal suffrage obstructs the political rule of the bourgeoisie, appears also in Michael Chevalier's work on American democracy, which Marx read a few years later, Lettres sur l'Amérique du Nord, 2 vols. (Paris, 1836), 1: 55, 135–6, 239, 268–9; 2: 356, 374–5.

97 Marx to Ruge (Sept. 1843), 144; Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 30, 117, original emphasis; Marx, “OtJQ,” 168. On the young Marx's understanding of communism as true democracy see Hunt, The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels; Draper, Hal, Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, vol. 1, State and Bureaucracy (New York, 1977)Google Scholar; and Leopold, Young Marx. For an alternative perspective see Rubel, Maximilien, Marx, théoricien de l'anarchisme (Geneva, 2011; first published 1983)Google Scholar. Against the anarchist interpretation see Chrysis, True Democracy, 180, 197, 211–12.

98 Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 29, 118, original emphasis; Marx, “OtJQ,” 155. Kouvelakis, Stathis, Philosophy and Revolution from Kant to Marx (London, 2018), 295–8Google Scholar, explains Marx's “true democracy” as constituent power.

99 Marx to Ruge (Sept. 1843), 144, original emphasis. Jones, Gareth Stedman, Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion (Cambridge, MA, 2016), 135CrossRefGoogle Scholar, presents Marx's conclusions in Kreuznach as their exact opposites: that there are only “inessential” differences between Prussian absolutism and the American republic, and that the struggle for suffrage warrants “dismissal.”

100 Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 120.

101 Marx, “OtJQ,” 153, original emphasis. This quote follows the German translation, Hamilton, Die Menschen und die Sitten, 1: 146, but deviates somewhat from the English original, Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 288. Chrysis, “True Democracy”, 165, rightly argues that Marx is interested in the qualitative, not quantitative, aspect of representation. But he does not directly connect this to the extension of suffrage. Marx's often overlooked comments here show that the apparently quantitative expansion in fact ushers in a qualitative change: the enfranchisement of the “non-property owner” opens the transition from “rule by private property” to “rule by man.” This may help elucidate Marx's unfinished thought about examining suffrage reform “from the point of view of interests.” Marx, “Kreuznach Critique,” 121. While the property-owners’ interests are particular and tend to reaffirm civil society, those of the nonowners are universal and tend toward its negation.

102 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 306–9, original emphasis; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Hamilton,” 271–2.

103 “Marx would not have been able to ‘discover’ the proletariat and its role in Paris if he had not already ‘found’ it, in a certain sense, in 1843, in the still vague form of ‘suffering human beings,’ ‘propertylessness,’ etc.” Löwy, Michael, Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx (Chicago, 2003), 51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Compare Marx's claim that the proletariat is “forced by its immediate condition, by material necessity, by its very chains” to bring about “general emancipation” (Marx, “Paris Critique,” 186) to Hamilton's description of propertyless workers who will “choose legislators under the immediate pressure of privation” and be driven to the agrarian law by necessity (Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 304, original emphasis).

104 Draper, State and Bureaucracy, 59.

105 See Shoikhedbrod, Igor, “Re-Hegelianizing Marx on Rights,” Hegel Bulletin 40/2 (2017), 281–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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109 Hess, Moses, “Die Tagespresse in Deutschland und Frankreich” (1842), in Hess, Sozialistische Aufsätze, 1841–1847, ed. Zlocisti, Theodor (Berlin, 1921), 19–27Google Scholar, at 25; translated in McLellan, Young Hegelians, 144.

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111 Engels, Friedrich, “Progress of Social Reform on the Continent” (1843), in MECW, 3: 392–408Google Scholar, at 399.

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113 Marx, “Paris Critique”; Marx, Karl, “Critical Marginal Notes on the Article ‘The King of Prussia and Social Reform, by a Prussian’” (1844), in MECW, 3: 189–206Google Scholar.

114 Marx, Karl, “Draft Plan for a Work on the Modern State” (1844), in MECW, 4: 666Google Scholar, original emphasis.

115 Carver, Terrell and Blank, Daniel, The Political History of the Editions of Marx and Engels's “German Ideology Manuscripts” (New York, 2014)Google Scholar.

116 Sperber, Karl Marx, 177–8.

117 J. Strassmaier, “Karl Grün: The Confrontation with Marx, 1844–1848” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Loyola University, 1969); Birdenthal, Renate, “The ‘Greening of Germany,’ 1848: Karl Grün's ‘True’ Socialism,” Science and Society 35/4 (1971), 439–62Google Scholar.

118 Grün, Karl, Bausteine (Darmstadt, 1844), xxvii–xxixGoogle Scholar. See Strassmaier, Karl Grün, 47, 60.

119 Grün, Karl, Ueber wahre Bildung (Bielefeld, 1844), 21Google Scholar.

120 Otto Lüning, “Anmerkung,” Das westphälische Dampfboot, April 1845, 175.

121 Grün, Karl, Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien (Darmstadt, 1845), 447Google Scholar.

122 Karl Grün, “Zur Literatur,” Kölnische Zeitung, 21 Oct. 1847, cited in Strassmeier, Karl Grün, 92.

123 E.g. Sperber, Karl Marx, 181–185; Stedman Jones, Karl Marx, 210–22.

124 Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, “Manifesto of the Communist Party” (1848), in MECW, 6: 477–519Google Scholar, at 495; Marx's example of union struggles developing into a nationwide political movement is the English Chartists; see Marx, Karl, “Poverty of Philosophy: Answer to the Philosophy of Poverty by M. Proudhon” (1847), in MECW, 6: 105–212Google Scholar, at 210–11.

125 Marx and Engels, “Manifesto,” 518; Marx, “The Communism of the Rheinischer Beobachter” (1847), in MECW, 6: 220–34, at 222–5. Lause, Young America, 1, 9, 130, highlights the link between the National Reformers and Marx and Engels in the 1840s.

126 Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Philippe Gigot, “Address of the German Democratic Communists of Brussels to Mr. Feargus O'Connor” (1846), in MECW, 6: 58–60, at 58; Friedrich Engels, “Letter to the Communist Correspondence Committee” (23 Oct. 1846), in MECW, 38: 81–6, at 82. As Hunt, The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 146, explains, this emphasis on force was common for democrats in mid-nineteenth-century Europe, when overthrowing a monarchy often required “three days of violent street demonstrations.”

127 Marx, Engels, and Gigot, “Address.”

128 Marx filled over thirteen pages of his notebook with 150 excerpts from Cooper. MEGA, 1/6: 604; Marx, Karl, “Exzerpte aus Thomas Cooper” (1845), in MEGA 4/4: 72–98Google Scholar. On Cooper see Malone, Dumas, The Public Life of Thomas Cooper: 1783–1839 (New Haven, 1926)Google Scholar; and Dorfman, Joseph, The Economic Mind in American Civilization, 1606–1865, vol. 2 (New York, 1966), 527–39Google Scholar, 844–8.

129 Feuer, “The North American Origin of Marx's Socialism,” 56 n.

130 The edition is wrongly dated 1829.

131 Cooper, Lectures, 351.

132 Ibid., 352. Additionally, Cooper mentions Byllesby's Observations on the Sources and Effects of Unequal Wealth by name in an earlier chapter (at 335).

133 Feuer, “The North American Origin of Marx's Socialism,” 66.

135 Marx, Karl, “Karl Grün: Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien, or the Historiography of True Socialism” (1847), in MECW, 5: 484–530Google Scholar, at 489, translation amended.

136 Marx, “Moralising Criticism,” 321–2, original emphasis.

137 Cooper, Lectures, 361.

140 Marx, “Moralising Criticism,” 323–24; Cooper, Lectures, 363–4. Marx makes some major changes from Cooper's wording here. See also the notebook excerpt: “Exzerpte aus Cooper,” 97.

141 Marx, “Moralising Criticism,” 324, original emphasis.

142 Cooper, Lectures, 364.

143 Ibid., 365; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Cooper,” 97.

144 Cooper, Lectures, 364; Marx, “Exzerpte aus Cooper,” 97.

145 Draper, The “Dictatorship of the Proletariat”, exhaustively demonstrates that this term simply means democratic government led by the working class, carrying out measures to transform society.

146 Engels, Friedrich, “Principles of Communism” (1847), in MECW, 6: 341–57Google Scholar, at 350, original emphasis; Marx and Engels, “Manifesto,” 504.

147 Max and Engels, “Manifesto,” 504; Cooper, Lectures, 365.

148 Schulman, Jason, “Socialism: Liberal or Democratic-Republican?”, in Thompson, Michael, ed., Rational Radicalism and Political Theory (Lanham, MD, 2011), 189–206Google Scholar; Roberts, Marx's Inferno; Chrysis, “True Democracy”; Thompson, Michael, “The Radical Republican Structure of Marx's Critique of Capitalist Society,” Critique 47/3 (2019), 391–409CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

149 Marx, Karl, “Saint Max” (1846), in MECW, 5: 117–450Google Scholar, at 347.

150 Rubel, “Notes on Marx's conception of Democracy,” 83.

151 Marx, Karl, “The Class Struggles in France” (1850), in MECW, 10: 45–146Google Scholar, at 65; Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte” (1852), in MECW, 11: 99–197, at 114–19, 180, 193 n.

152 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 309; Cooper, Lectures, 363.

153 Marx, Karl, “Bastiat and Carey” (1857), in MECW, 28: 5–16Google Scholar, at 6; Marx, “Letter to Joseph Weydemeyer” (March 1852), in MECW, 39: 60–66, at 62. On Marx's Civil War writings see Blackburn, Robin, An Unfinished Revolution: Karl Marx and Abraham Lincoln (New York, 2011)Google Scholar.

154 Marx, Karl, “Critique of the Gotha Program” (1875), in MECW, 24: 81–99Google Scholar, at 95–6, original emphasis; Marx, “Preamble to the Programme of the French Workers’ Party” (1880), in ibid., 340.

155 Marx, “On the Hague Congress” (1872), in MECW, 23: 254–6, at 255.

156 Hamilton, Men and Manners in America, 1: 306.

What was one goal of the Workingmen's Party?

Which of the following was a trend in American democracy during the 1820s and 1830s?

Who founded the Workingmen's Party?

What effect did the development of new technology in the 1830s and 1840s have on factory workers?