Research on violent television and films, video games, and music reveals unequivocal evidence that media violence increases the likelihood of aggressive and violent behavior in both immediate and long-term contexts. The effects appear larger for milder than for more severe forms of aggression, but the effects on severe forms of violence are also substantial [r = .13 to .32] when compared with effects of other violence risk factors or medical effects deemed important by the medical community [e.g., effect of aspirin on heart attacks]. The research base is large; diverse in methods, samples, and media genres; and consistent in overall findings. The evidence is clearest within the most extensively researched domain, television and film violence. The growing body of video-game research yields essentially the same conclusions. Short-term exposure increases the likelihood of physically and verbally aggressive behavior, aggressive thoughts, and aggressive emotions. Recent large-scale longitudinal studies provide converging evidence linking frequent exposure to violent media in childhood with aggression later in life, including physical assaults and spouse abuse. Because extremely violent criminal behaviors [e.g., forcible rape, aggravated assault, homicide] are rare, new longitudinal studies with larger samples are needed to estimate accurately how much habitual childhood exposure to media violence increases the risk for extreme violence. Well-supported theory delineates why and when exposure to media violence increases aggression and violence. Media violence produces short-term increases by priming existing aggressive scripts and cognitions, increasing physiological arousal, and triggering an automatic tendency to imitate observed behaviors. Media violence produces long-term effects via several types of learning processes leading to the acquisition of lasting [and automatically accessible] aggressive scripts, interpretational schemas, and aggression-supporting beliefs about social behavior, and by reducing individuals' normal negative emotional responses to violence [i.e., desensitization]. Certain characteristics of viewers [e.g., identification with aggressive characters], social environments [e.g., parental influences], and media content [e.g., attractiveness of the perpetrator] can influence the degree to which media violence affects aggression, but there are some inconsistencies in research results. This research also suggests some avenues for preventive intervention [e.g., parental supervision, interpretation, and control of children's media use]. However, extant research on moderators suggests that no one is wholly immune to the effects of media violence. Recent surveys reveal an extensive presence of violence in modern media. Furthermore, many children and youth spend an inordinate amount of time consuming violent media. Although it is clear that reducing exposure to media violence will reduce aggression and violence, it is less clear what sorts of interventions will produce a reduction in exposure. The sparse research literature suggests that counterattitudinal and parental-mediation interventions are likely to yield beneficial effects, but that media literacy interventions by themselves are unsuccessful. Though the scientific debate over whether media violence increases aggression and violence is essentially over, several critical tasks remain. Additional laboratory and field studies are needed for a better understanding of underlying psychological processes, which eventually should lead to more effective interventions. Large-scale longitudinal studies would help specify the magnitude of media-violence effects on the most severe types of violence. Meeting the larger societal challenge of providing children and youth with a much healthier media diet may prove to be more difficult and costly, especially if the scientific, news, public policy, and entertainment communities fail to educate the general public about the real risks of media-violence exposure to children and youth.
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From Longman Dictionary of Contemporary Englishbody of somethingbody of somethinga] AMOUNTa large amount or mass of something, especially something that has been collectedbody of knowledge/evidence/opinion etc There is now a considerable body of knowledge of the different stages of childhood. There is a growing body of evidence that charges are too high. b] MAINthe main, central, or most important part of something The arguments are explained in the body of the text. Leave three blank lines between the date and the body of the letter. → bodyExamples from the Corpusbody of knowledge/evidence/opinion etc• You have a body of knowledge.• During this period there was a considerable body of opinion, particularly among economists, which held that the country was over-populated.• The first group will be concerned with building new knowledge and contributing to an already existing body of knowledge.• So too has his historian, confronted by a growing body of evidence for change in the ninth-century economy.• A growing body of evidence shows that alcohol molecules directly affect the ability of ion channels to open or close.• The issue of whether a church represents a significant body of opinion is a matter for the decision of the licensing board.• Expert power refers to the possession of a specific body of knowledge acquired either through formal academic training or job experience.• The view that they lack work experience is contradicted by a substantial body of evidence.
It's supported by a growing body of research.
There is a growing body of research that links physical activity to improvements in achievement.
A growing body of research shows that inequality damages the social fabric of the whole society.
But a growing body of research seems to support the idea of soda taxes.
Drawing on a growing body of research, the report provides good answers to that very question.
However there is a growing body of research challenging this view.
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